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Cómics y vinilos
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The first calls for radical subjectivation to achieve liberation, and the second, the articulation of psychoanalytical theory as an instrument to move away from certain impasses of social emancipation in a moment where the outside of the capitalist general principle of equivalence has become the reification of itself through negation.

There are times where there are no other options. Renouncing communization, or thinking the common otherwise, is enough for radically expulsing whoever brings to bear the fractures within every order of majoritarian hegemony. Against the possibility of a counter-majoritarian hegemonic undoing which would only be inverting the demand for a narcissistic and thetic contraction of the sameness, of another community, etc.

This ontological indeterminacy brings to divergence the poles of politics and psychoanalysis and displaces the metaphysical subjectivist politicity at the core of leftist subjective productionism in thinkers such as Gilles Deleuze, Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, and Alain Badiou.

It is obvious that poetical politics is not a new regionalism, and is not interested in the least in articulating something like a politics for Latin America, or a post-imperial or Kojevean grand space European geopolitics. So, is political poetics a new re-formulation of a political will? But what is a will if not a step back to the command, whether in political, ethical, moral, or theological structure? However, this decided desire is the fundamental fiction produced by the neurotic subject.

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But it is here where the maximum intensification between hegemony and posthegemony resides. In other words, whereas hegemony is the decided desired, posthegemony as I define it, would be the name of a fissured democratic politics that accepts the void of the social contract without subsequent compensatory hegemonic-political reconstruction of the social space. The problem of the Will seems to allow the hasty move from the fantasy of the neurotic to the construction of a social hegemony.

In a way, what at first what discarded as a mass psychology of Freudianism is later achieved by submitting thought to the operation of the Will that re-organizes hegemony in the name of the People. And the problem is that this hegemony of the social is refractory of the singular. But can hegemony be then the name of the psychoanalytical cure? But, it is precisely for this reason why hegemony cannot do the work and it remains insufficient as a mechanism of translation for a generalized cure in the social.

In other words, it is because there is always something that fails, that post-hegemony advances a politics of common solitude and the singular sinthome. Arguably, one of central problems in Heidegger: The Question of Being and History is the radical destruction of storytelling proper to onto-theological history. This is the crucial passage delivered very early in the seminar:. The point is to break with the philosophical novel, and to break with it radically and not so as to give rise to some new novel.

The philosophical novel, philosophical narration, is of course, but is not only, the history of philosophy as doxography that recounts, reports, gathers and lays out the series of philosophical systems.

As it becomes usual throughout the seminar, telling stories is not just an intellectual operation of the history of philosophy and the philosophy of history. The gesture of going beyond storytelling entails an affirmation of the ontological difference. This leap is not to be understood as a way of entry into a higher kingdom of speculation.

Rather, it implies an invitation to radically confront history without exceptions or absolutes. This displacement, however complex and aporetic, should point to a minimal difference between Heideggerian destruction and Derridean deconstruction when it comes to dismantling every effective onto-theological operation. Should one, then, distinguish between storytelling and fiction? For one, if storytelling belongs the realm of the sleepwalking of philosophy and ontology, then it would be productive to think whether the shift after destruction takes place between thinking and fiction.

I am still unable to grasp if it is indeed possible and consistent if fiction could effectively be understood as an excess of storytelling. It is not a question of form or even truth. Should fiction point to the distance between politics and infrapolitics in thought? Could we say that infrapolitics is the dissemination of singular fictions announced after the destruction of onto-theological storytelling? Fiction: a non-metaphorical essence over existence after the end of metaphoric translation. A negation of fiction puts us in a position of anomy. Here the fiction of law is a productive site for thought, because it is a discipline in which we find that fiction fictio is an operation that organizes and brings about a nebulous domain.

Fiction is always double, aware and checking its own artificiality. Later on in his life Derrida will establish a coterminous relation between fiction and justice as hyperbolic conditions of democracy. Derrida also seems to be grappling with an evolving and transformative notion of democracy that cannot be subsumed either as vulgar historical as principle arche nor as reversed impolitical an-archy. One cannot evade history, but can one evade the fiction of democracy? Back to the seminar.

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There is thinking every time that this gesture occurs, in what is called science, poetry, metaphysics, and so on. So fiction cannot amount to a mere substitution for storytelling. Fiction should name the process of uncontained de-metaphorization within an evolving economy of democracy that has no political arche. The end of philosophical storytelling will open to a contamination of the turbulence of fiction by which the legal operation is always insufficient, but never deposed. The shift from the absolutist negation of the Roman fictio the political as roman ratio according to the Parmenides lecture to democracy as an essential historicity, retreats politics in the shadow of fiction.

Giacomo Marramao made this very clear in his generous introduction, as well as Mario Tronti, who took up the term several times in light of the crisis of depolitization and neutralization in democratic societies on both sides of the Atlantic. Sadly, at times conferences do not allow more time to reshuffle ingrained beliefs and hardened convictions. Thus, I just want to return to a question that was thrown by Giacomo Marramao regarding my paper on posthegemony, constitutionalism, and the administrative state [1].

So, I will start with the first question: is the administrative state the same as the security state? My gut reaction in the exchange with Marramao was to say no. In the historical development of American legality, we tend to associate the administrative state with the robust state building social policies of the New Deal, that is, with the classic welfare state.

In fact, Moreiras argued a few years back that Keynesianism is one of the last figures of modern katechon [2]. Of course, Keynesian economics is somewhat different from the administrative legal development, but I do think that they complement each other. At first sight, it seems to me that in Europe the securitarian state has now normalized and conquered the legal paradigm.

In the United States, paradoxically, there seems to be a minimal difference between the security and administrative state.

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A good example, in fact, is the case of Kris Kobach, a constitutionalist who favors legal securitization against illegal immigration, but not so much in the name of the administrative state. So, my intuition is that whereas in Europe legal developments have led naturally to the securitarian state, in the US the natural development has been towards deference and the delegation principle of administrative law [3].

We have yet to witness a securitarian state as fully hegemonic within the American legal development. Now, the second question: why do I should we? This seems to me a variation that fully applies to the administrative state. Of course, Schmitt thought administration dispensed anomy. But I think it is quite the opposite. This is the second katechon. This administrative katechon withholds the anomy of the full-fleshed market force, as well as the potential force of total politization. They both seek its destruction, which is an assault against the rule of law. But the argument of absence of dissent from administration has also been contested Rodriguez , Williamson Can one probe the administrative katechon today?

Interestingly, Mario Tronti wrote an essay on the Leviathan to challenge this question. As a Marxist, he called for a will to resist it. When men think that, through some of sort divine grace, they do not longer need to struggle, is when they become even more defeated. I have doubts that a principle of subjective will to power can do the work to deactivate the katechon as it stands for the administrative state.

At the same time, doing so will not differ much from the libertarian position that in the name of an abstract freedom, forgets the infrahuman base of any social existence. But I also wonder whether Tronti himself still believes in resistance today, since in the conference he called for a reformist political praxis and revolutionary intellectual ideas. I tend to agree more with this scheme, since the administrative state also stands for a process of rationalization.

No subjective practice can emerge as an exception to this new katechon without automatically appearing as a bate for this monstrous apparatus. If that happens, I will be willing to accept that it will be the end of the second historical katechon as we know it. Prefacio de J. Barcelona: Gedisa, Joan Copjec.

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